US Defense Secretary Ash Carter (L) and Japan's Defense Minister Gen Nakatani (R) shake hands prior to a meeting at the Defense Ministry in Tokyo, Japan, 08 April 2015. [Photo/IC]

At the Shangri-la Dialogue on May 29 to 31, the delegates need to discuss more about the complicated situation in Asia-Pacific region as the deepening US-Japan alliance against China raises concerns over regional security.

At a meeting with Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani on April 8, US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter highlighted the importance of the US-Japan alliance for Japan's national security, after which the two countries decided to further strengthen the alliance. Asked about the alliance's detailed strategy on the South China Sea issue, Nakatani denied having one and said Japan's Self Defense Forces were not patrolling the region regularly. But Carter defended the special relationship between the US and the Philippines, which has a territorial dispute with China in the South China Sea, and said they would hold more joint military drills to maintain the status quo. Asserting that territorial rows would not lead to military incidents, he said the US was not taking sides in the maritime disputes.

The Guidelines for US-Japan Defense Cooperation, the first revised version since 1997, was published on April 27 and says Japan will have the right to exercise collective self-defense, that is, it will defend not just its own territory, but also that of the US and other countries, if necessary. And although the guidelines don't mention China, they have spurred anti-China remarks and activities, especially in the South China Sea. And the common aspirations of the US and Japan and the legal basis to expand Japan's military force deserve special attention.

The US is strengthening ties with Japan and the Philippines primarily to form an alliance against China, although US officials have been denying that. That the US' commitment not to take sides in the disputes always comes with the promise of protecting the interests of its allies makes its real purpose clear.

Because of China's fast rise as an economic power, Japan has lost its economic advantage, but the US' "pivot to Asia" policy has given Japan the kind of strategic sustenance it was seeking. Japan's aim is to gain advantage over China by allying with the US. In return, the US will get the help of Japan to push its "pivot to Asia" strategy to contain China.

But the connivance strategy the US has adopted, including its support for Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's militarist policies, will complicate matters further in the Asia-Pacific. Perhaps US politicians don't realize what would happen if the Japanese "war machine" is let loose. And such thoughtless strategy is unbecoming of a world power.

It would be naive to think economic interdependence of the countries involved could help improve the situation. True political differences between countries have been narrowing because of declining ideological influence and growing economic cooperation, but that will not necessarily improve relations between China and Japan. For example, despite having close economic ties with China, neither the US nor Japan can understand Beijing's strategic goal of peace and development. As a result, they still suffer from the Cold War mentality and see China's rise as a challenge to their interests.

US President Barack Obama has said the US-Japan alliance's goal is not to provoke China, and Abe has said the alliance is indispensable for maintaining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific and the world beyond. But their actions show they are doing exactly the opposite. And there is reason to believe that their stands on the Diaoyu Islands dispute in the East China Sea and the South China Sea issue are nothing more than diplomatic parlance.

It is difficult to make people believe the US-Japan alliance is not targeted at China if Obama and Abe don't make real efforts to prove their sincerity. So the US and Japan should not criticize China for developing its military, which is necessary for defending national security.

The author is a professor at and director of International Security Research Center, affiliated to PLA International Relations University.