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China-Japan frictions moving to military field
(People's Daily)
Updated: 2005-01-23 15:59
The year 2005 has just begun and the differences between the two neighboring
countries - China and Japan, instead of shrinking, are showing a dangerous sign
of gradually moving frictions to the military field.
According to inside information disclosed by the Japanese Kyodo News Agency
Japan Defense Agency has enacted specific action plan to defend the southwest
islands. The plan decided that when something happened in the southwest islands
apart from sending fighter planes and destroyers the Japan Defense Agency would
dispatch as many as 55,000 soldiers of the Ground Self Defense Forces and
special forces there. The so-called southwest islands mentioned in the guideline
also include China's Diaoyu Island.
Officials with the Japan Defense Agency said most of the southwest islands
have no troops stationed there and are blank areas in terms of territory
defense. The Chinese navy keeps expanding activity scope. The SDF needs to pay
attention to its future movement. The target of what he said is quite obvious.
This provocation on the part of Japan directly incensed China. Chinese FM
spokesman Kong Quan said on January 18 that the Diaoyu Island and its affiliated
islands have been China's territory since the ancient times. Japan has different
opinions in this regard. China always holds that China and Japan should solve
relevant disputes through negotiations and consultations rather than take any
unilateral actions.
By comparison China's attitude is more restrained.
Over the year Japan has on the one hand disseminated the "China military
threat theory" and on the other embodied this theory in its official documents.
In November, 2004 the Japan Defense Agency put up the show of revealing "three
possibilities of China's attack on Japan". On December 7, 2004 Japanese PM
Assistant Yoriko Kawaguchi, who was attending the Meeting of European Security
Cooperation Organizations, tried to dissuade the EU from lifting China arms
embargo. The Japanese Defense White Paper 2004 and the report of the Security
Safeguard and Defense Strength Conference" published in November, 2004 all
preached the "China military threat theory". On December 10, 2004 the Japanese
cabinet passed a new Defense Plan Outline, which apart from singing the old tune
of "DPRK threat theory" puts the "China military threat theory" into this
official government security policy document for the first time.
In 2004 Japan sped up the pace toward a military power of "Japan-US
integration" and "overseas intervention" in such aspects as security strategy,
relevant systems and armament etc. International public opinion believes that
Japan resorts to the strategy of "a thief crying 'stop thief'" and try to fan
the "China military threat theory" to clear public opinion obstacles both at
home and abroad.
In such an atmosphere the China-Japan security mutual trust fell even lower.
The "security dilemma" of being mutually guarded has not been eased. PM
Junichiro Koizumi's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine again killed the mutual visits
by fleets of the two countries. Military exchange was in a stagnant state.
Jin Xide, a research fellow at the Japan Institute of the Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences, said "enhancing mutual trust" would be an import subject in
China-Japan relations in 2005. In the new year the possibility that China and
Japan make breakthrough in the security area is rather low.
In 2005 the competent departments of the Chinese and Japanese governments
would continue to carry out dialogues and negotiations centered on mutual
differences and cooperation. These questions involve wide areas such as the
demarcation of the East China Sea and oil gas field exploitation as well as
economics and trade, technology, energy and environmental protection etc. The
defense departments of the two countries would continue to launch security
dialogues and military exchanges at various levels. Due to the high sensitivity
of these areas this kind of dialogues would be influenced and limited by the
China-Japan political relations. On the other hand, the possibility whether a
stable security dialogue and military exchange system relatively independent of
the political frictions between the two countries can be established has been
listed into agenda as an important way of thinking.
In recent years the thought of mutual visits by Chinese and Japanese fleets
has long attracted attention as an important link to expand military exchange
and enhance security mutual trust. In 2005 if the question of PM Junichiro
Koizumi's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine is solved appropriately, political
atmosphere surrounding the two countries thaws and warms up, public opinions of
China and Japan grows relaxed, this projection may resurface. However, the
Liberal Democratic Party - the governing party in Japan adopted a new policy
guideline on Jan. 18, which proclaimed support of PM Junichiro Koizumi's visit
to the Yasukuni Shrine. This made observers of the China-Japan relations even
more nervous.
The Japanese economy sank into a long depression after 1991 whilst China
entered an economic blast-off in the 1990s. Meanwhile the intension of the
Japanese decision-making body to break through the "peace constitution" drawing
on "pressure" from the US is growing increasingly clear. Its will to become a
political power and a military power has grown stronger. Under the influence of
these factors competition between China and Japan and their watchful mentality
form a vicious circle.
On the question of history the Japanese right-wring conservative forces keep
instigating incidents to reverse the history of Japan's invasion of China. China
is forced to make restrained response after long forbearance. All the facts
prove that the one who is "holding tight to the historical question" is Japan,
not China.
Military disputes repeat the routine of the historical question. Japan keeps
instigating incidents and China is forced to respond. The military tone of
Japan's China policy is becoming increasingly thicker. Japan's China diplomacy
is growing "aggressive".
Today's Japanese decision-making body is deviating from the peaceful
development course based on reflecting on defeated war experience and is
attempting to revive the "past power and prestige" backed by might. For Japan a
stable external environment built by means of good neighborhood diplomacy and
peace should be a less costly and more efficient way. To choose a way of
befriending distant states while attacking those nearby would not necessarily
bring about Japan's increased security. Moreover, if even the neighboring
countries refuse support how is it possible for Japan to fulfill its "political
power dream"?
Recently some people in China, failing to truly understand Japan's political
intention and means, have claimed to want to "find solution for the China-Japan
relations". But the prescription they wrote was so crude as to say that China
should make a comprehensive concession toward Japan! The Japanese have made
complete study of some Chinese's psychological weaknesses and have become tough
even on questions whose nature is so clear as visits to the Yasukuni Shrine.
Jin Xide believes that we should have a clear understanding and accept the
reality that the China-Japan "chilly politics" cannot be completely avoided, and
make better mental preparation for the fluctuation of the China-Japan political
relations, give up the illusion of making unilateral concession so as to
exchange for a "hot-politics" situation. This way will be more conducive to
calmer and rational handling of the China-Japan political frictions and steady
advance of the China-Japan relations.
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